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There is no room for imperialist conquest within a world constructed upon the basis of liberal nationalism. Indeed, the very existence of an Empire is inconsistent with the liberal right to self-determination. Yet having said this, liberal nationalists recognise that nations must work together to protect their existence as sovereign entities. Some liberal nationalists even favour supranational institutions that help defend and protect liberal values such as universal human rights. Liberal nationalism therefore accepts some dilution of national sovereignty to serve liberal ends.
Why Nationalism Works
The progressive nature of liberal nationalism is also reflected in the inclusive nature of popular self-government and the centrality of civic duty. However, it should be noted that the fervent wish of liberal nationalists that the right to self-determination would bring about perpetual peace has never materialised. The cause of national self-determination is as potentially explosive as it was during the French Revolution itself and this fundamental component of liberal nationalism remains a source of political disputes throughout the globe.
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You're now subscribed to receive email updates! Print page. It is additionally worth noting that there is not a large gender gap on these questions. Although the ranks of radical right movements tend to be overwhelmingly male, men are not more likely than women to possess these kinds of feelings about race. In fact, on each question, a slightly higher percentage of women expressed these attitudes. Given the long partisan divide on questions about racial policy, it is unsurprising that we see a significant gap between white Democrats and white Republicans on all of these questions related to white identity politics.
It is notable, however, that the difference between Republicans and Independents was small; in fact, a greater percentage of Independents than Republicans expressed strong feelings of white solidarity and discrimination the figure below shows the partisan divide on all three questions combined.
As mentioned, scoring high on any one of these measures is not necessarily an indicator that a white person would be attracted to explicit white identity politics.
Thus, we should pay special attention to people who expressed high levels of white identity, solidarity, and grievance. The following figure shows the breakdown of the white respondents who expressed agreement for all three crucial elements of white identity politics.
We see that white Democrats are very unlikely to express these attitudes, as are those with college degrees and very high incomes. The lack of an obvious age gap is notable. The youngest cohort differs relatively little from the oldest. This suggests that the problem of white identity politics is not something that will be resolved by generational replacement.
However, this also challenges the Alt-Right's claim that the youngest whites are becoming increasingly receptive to their ideas. A problem with drawing any conclusions from these percentages is that many of these demographic attributes are correlated with each other. Thus, some of these apparent relationships may be spurious. To get around this problem, I created a logistic regression model for whether a respondent scored high on all three of the questions. Such models allow us to isolate the effects of each independent variable.
The regression table above indicates that religiosity and family formation are much less significant than economic variables in each of these models. Religious observance was statically insignificant. Having children was also insignificant. Divorced respondents were statistically discernable from never-married respondents at this level, though there was no discernable difference between those who were currently married and those that were never married.
When the model's coefficients are transformed into odds ratios, we find that a divorced respondent was 1. These data indicate that there is no single measure that can predict which white Americans will have the attitudes that form the basis of white identity politics. However, they provide some useful insights.bluetangent.org/the-gentle-warrior-general-oliver-prince-smith-usmc.php
Left-wing nationalism: Nationalism on the Left | ZEIT ONLINE
First, they suggest that religious practices have a negligible effect on white people's racial attitudes. The rise of secularism in the electorate will have important political implications, but its impact on race relations may be insignificant. Second, although marriage and children appear to be important determinants of these views in the descriptive statistics, their effects dissipate once we control for other characteristics.
Never-married and currently-married respondents were not significantly different from each other, but divorce does seem to increase the likelihood that the respondent will believe whites suffer discrimination and the likelihood that a white person will agree with all three of the basic premises of white identity politics. Therefore, if we wish to discourage right-wing radicalism, encouraging more marriage will likely not be effective, but strengthening marriages and discouraging marriage dissolution may be helpful.
If we wish to discourage right-wing radicalism, encouraging more marriage will likely not be effective, but strengthening marriages and discouraging marriage dissolution may be helpful. Pundits and scholars have spent the last several years debating whether racism or economic anxiety is the main catalyst for right-wing populism and white racial identity politics.
These debates were particularly heated during the U. These data add additional complexity to these questions. It turns out that economic variables are some of the stronger determinants of white attitudes on racial questions. Higher incomes are associated with lower levels of white racial identity, racial solidarity, and feelings of discrimination. A college degree is a statistically significant and substantively important variable. This suggests increased education is one of the more effective tools for combatting dangerous ideologies. There are important caveats to these findings.
As is always the case when studying survey data related to race, social desirability bias is a significant concern.
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That is, some respondents may not be providing their honest opinions, given the social stigma attached to racism. This is particularly problematic if the prevalence of social desirability bias differs systematically across different groups. In this case, it is possible that wealthier and better-educated respondents were simply more likely to lie about their real attitudes.
I should also reiterate that people who have a strong sense of white identity and racial grievance are not necessarily involved with radical movements. They have proudly claimed the mantle of nationalism, promising to defend the interests of the majority against immigrant minorities and out-of-touch elites. Their critics, meanwhile, cling to the established distinction between malign nationalism and worthy patriotism.
In a thinly veiled shot at U. Yet efforts to draw a hard line between good, civic patriotism and bad, ethnic nationalism overlook the common roots of both. Patriotism is a form of nationalism. They are ideological brothers, not distant cousins.
At their core, all forms of nationalism share the same two tenets: first, that members of the nation, understood as a group of equal citizens with a shared history and future political destiny, should rule the state, and second, that they should do so in the interests of the nation. Nationalism is thus opposed to foreign rule by members of other nations, as in colonial empires and many dynastic kingdoms, as well as to rulers who disregard the perspectives and needs of the majority.